Honouring soldiers feels performative when the truth about Lee Rigby's murder is avoided

Patrick Christys despairs at the frequency of Islamist terror attacks

|

GB

Lee Cohen

By Lee Cohen


Published: 22/05/2026

- 15:13

Thirteen years after Lee Rigby’s murder, the Government still refuses to confront the Islamist ideology that killed him, writes the US columnist

On May 22, 2013, Fusilier Lee Rigby, a 25-year-old British soldier and father, was hacked to death in broad daylight on a London street by two Islamist converts, Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale.

They ran him down with a car, then attacked him with knives and a cleaver while shouting about revenge for British military actions in Muslim lands. This was not random violence. It was a deliberate act of Islamist terrorism targeting a symbol of British service and sovereignty.


Britains response over the past thirteen years reveals a deeper failure: an institutional reluctance to name and defeat the ideology responsible.

As an American observing Britain’s struggles, I see a nation that honours its soldiers in rhetoric but undermines their sacrifice through policies rooted in denial, multiculturalism dogma, and fear of “Islamophobia” labels.

Rigby’s killers were British-born or raised converts radicalised within Britain. They acted on an explicit Islamist worldview that views Western soldiers and civilians as legitimate targets in a global religious conflict.

Yet successive governments, media outlets, and cultural elites have treated such attacks as aberrations disconnected from the pattern of Islamist extremism.

The facts remain stubborn. Adebolajo and Adebowale were inspired by al-Qaeda ideology. They cited Muslim deaths in “Muslim landsas justification — an “eye for an eye” declared openly to bystanders and cameras.

Intelligence services had prior interest in the pair, yet systemic gaps allowed the attack. The murder previewed a shift toward low-tech, lone-actor or small-cell Islamist violence that has recurred: vehicle rammings, knife attacks, and plots against military and public targets.

Thirteen years on, the threat persists. As of May 1, 2026, the UK national terrorism threat level stands at SEVERE, meaning an attack is highly likely. Islamist extremism remains the primary threat, accounting for the bulk of MI5’s counterterrorism caseload—around 75 per cent in recent assessments.

MI5 and police have disrupted dozens of late-stage plots in recent years. In 2025 alone, significant convictions included life sentences for Islamist plotters targeting Jewish communities in Manchester, with weapons and IS-inspired plans aimed at mass casualties.

Other cases involved converts planning attacks on synagogues, hospitals, and festivals, alongside ongoing prison radicalisation and online grooming.

Lee Rigby (left), Michael Adebolajo (middle), Michael Adebowale (right)Honouring soldiers feels performative when the truth about Lee Rigby's murder is avoided |

MoD/PA/Metropolitan Police

These are not isolated incidents. Reports document around 39,000 Islamist extremists on MI5’s watchlist out of a total of nearly 43,000. Arrests and custody figures for terrorism-related offences remain elevated, with Prevent referrals continuing at scale.

Yet public discourse often defaults to vague extremism” framing or false equivalences that dilute the distinct religious-political driver of Islamist violence.

This approach echoes the immediate aftermath of Rigby’s murder, where initial reactions emphasised mental health or foreign policy grievances over the killers’ clear ideological statements.

This denial serves no one, least of all Britain’s Muslim communities, who reject terrorism, or military families who lost a son, husband, and father. Rigby’s widow, mother Lyn Rigby, and young son Jack (now a teenager) carry the personal cost.

The Lee Rigby Foundation, established by his parents, supports bereaved forces families through caravans, Lee Rigby House in Staffordshire, and ongoing memorial rides in 2026 honouring fallen personnel.

Jack has fundraised for charities like Scotty’s Little Soldiers, turning grief into service. On this anniversary, tributes highlight the enduring pain and calls for a dedicated memorial day, yet mainstream coverage often feels muted compared to the scale of national reflection such an attack deserves.

Britains post-Rigby approach - expanded surveillance, task forces, and occasional crackdowns - has delivered tactical successes in foiling plots. However, it has fallen short strategically.

Mass migration without rigorous assimilation expectations has contributed to parallel societies where Islamist ideas can take root. Official inquiries and reports, including Baroness Casey’s 2025 audit into group-based child sexual exploitation, highlight persistent issues with grooming gangs.

Data gaps remain glaring: ethnicity is unrecorded for two-thirds of perpetrators nationally, despite local evidence in places like Greater Manchester, South Yorkshire, and West Yorkshire showing disproportionate involvement of men from Asian ethnic backgrounds.

Victims, often vulnerable young girls, were failed by authorities wary of “racismaccusations. Recent government funding increases for investigations are welcome, but critics note they may fall short of addressing the full scope.

Broader cultural tensions compound this. Perceptions of two-tier policing—where certain protests or ideologies receive softer treatment—fuel public distrust.

Foreign fighter flows to Syria and Iraq in the 2010s, returns, and ongoing radicalisation pipelines demonstrate the limits of current integration policies.

Sharia-influenced patrols in some areas and protests that appear one-sided in prioritising foreign causes over British cohesion point to eroded cultural confidence. Elite reluctance to defend core Western values—individual liberty, secular law, and national loyalty—has left a vacuum.

As an American, I recognise parallels in U.S. experiences. Post-9/11, America confronted Islamist terrorism with greater ideological clarity, even amid imperfections and debates over civil liberties.

We learned that ideology matters: treating jihadist violence primarily as mental illness, foreign policy blowback, or generic “extremisminvites repetition.

Britain risks the same slow erosion through chilled free speech under hate speech concerns, demographic shifts outpacing integration, and a hesitancy to enforce sovereignty on borders and deportations of radicals.

Rigby died wearing no uniform that day, yet he was targeted precisely because he represented the British Army and, by extension, Britain itself. Thirteen years later, true remembrance demands more than annual tributes or foundation work.

It requires rejecting denial, enforcing assimilation in immigration and citizenship policy, prioritising deportation of those who reject British values, reforming prisons to curb radicalisation, improving data collection on threats like grooming, and restoring unapologetic defence of British identity and sovereignty.

Lee Rigby served his country. The question for Britain is whether it will finally serve the truth of why he was killed - and act decisively to prevent others sharing his fate.