Whatever disagreements one might have with King Charles on the environment, diversity, or matters of faith — and many patriotic Britons do disagree profoundly — the Monarchy remains one of the United Kingdom’s most potent assets in international affairs. Stripped of partisan baggage, it delivers continuity, dignity, and access that no elected politician can match.
In the hands of a leader like Donald Trump — the most powerful figure on the planet—the King offers Britain a rare chance to punch well above its weight.
Trump has made his frustration with Keir Starmer crystal clear. The Prime Minister’s refusal to commit meaningfully to the US-led effort against Iran — offering limp half-measures such as defensive naval support while avoiding anything that might actually reopen the Strait of Hormuz or back decisive action — has earned him the bluntest rebukes.
“Not Winston Churchill,” Trump has said. “Very uncooperative.” “Very disappointed.” The Special Relationship, once the envy of the world, is now described by the President as “not what it was” and “very sad to see”. These are not idle words from a man who speaks plainly and acts decisively.
Starmer’s performance has been predictably woeful. His judgement and instincts in global affairs have been impotent and seem designed to put Britain’s and the West’s interests last.
When the stakes involve war, energy security, and the lives of allies, he opts for caution verging on cowardice — prioritising avoidance of escalation over standing shoulder to shoulder with the United States.
At great negative consequence, he is very careful not to offend diverse constituencies.
This is the same Labour leader who has spent his tenure diluting British sovereignty, cosying up to EU remnants, and presiding over a nation that increasingly looks inward rather than outward.
He is a zombie premier whose weakness has invited contempt from the very ally Britain cannot afford to lose. Intelligence sharing, trade flows, military interoperability—these are not optional extras; they are lifelines. Yet Starmer’s record risks fraying them all.
The King must not cave into Labour's vile demand. Britain's flickering light would go out - Lee Cohen | Getty Images
Contrast this with President Trump. Love him or loathe him, Trump commands the most formidable military and economic power on earth.
He reveres Britain’s history: the common law that shaped America’s founding, the parliamentary traditions that inspired the republic, and the independent spirit that produced Brexit — a policy as nation-first as his own America First doctrine.
Trump’s own British ancestry runs deep, and he has repeatedly expressed admiration for the Monarchy as the enduring symbol of that heritage. Queen Elizabeth II hosted him with impeccable courtesy; her successor followed with an unprecedented second state visit to Britain last September. Trump sees the Crown not as a relic but as a living link to greatness.
That is why the King’s planned state visit to Washington — slated for the end of April to coincide with America’s 250th anniversary of independence — should proceed without delay.
Palace sources confirm that preparations continue apace, and Trump himself has signalled enthusiasm, stating that he looks forward to welcoming the King “very shortly”.
Calls from Labour figures such as Emily Thornberry and Lib Dems to postpone or cancel the trip—citing the Iran conflict or fear of “embarrassment” — are misguided and self-defeating.
They would hand Trump a diplomatic victory while weakening Britain’s position at precisely the moment when strong, personal ties are needed most.
The Sovereign’s role here is strategic, not sentimental. Decades of preparation have equipped the King to engage courteously with even the most forthright or controversial leaders — much as his late mother did, charming and disarming a long list of strongmen.
He offers non-committal nods, calibrated flattery, and quiet conversation that rebuilds rapport without conceding ground. A state visit provides ceremonial exchanges, photo opportunities, and private discussions that remind both nations of shared values: lawfulness, freedom, justice and humaneness — the very inheritance Britain bestowed upon America.
Cancelling would be an act of national self-harm. It would alienate the leader who holds the keys to vital co-operation, all to shield a lame-duck Prime Minister who has already damaged the relationship through his own miscalculation.
Patriotic Britons understand this instinctively: the institution endures beyond any individual occupant or policy disagreement.
The King, for all personal views that may divide opinion, serves as Britain’s ambassador-in-chief when elected leaders falter.
Trump respects that. He respects Britain’s independent path post-Brexit. He respects the Monarchy’s place in history. The visit is not about endorsing every American action; it is about safeguarding the alliance that has secured freedom for generations. Starmer’s weakness has put it at risk. The King’s professionalism can help restore it.
Let the visit go forward. It will only serve to benefit Britain and the transatlantic relationship. A Britain under Starmer, which is a shadow of its former towering greatness, requires it.
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